Sunday, July 4, 2021

Is Reich's Mass Psychology of Fascism worth reading?

 

Mass Psychology of Fascism is authored by German psychologist Wilhelm Reich. The preface bears the date 1942 beside Reich’s name. However, it seems that the book had partly been written in 1930s because he repeats in the book was smuggled from other countries into Germany in 1937, but he sometimes points to the end of the World War II, which shows the book has been completed after 1945.

The book can be divided into two parts: first, Reich analysis of fascism, and then his ideas about how to fight human plagues whose pinnacle was Fascism and its atrocities but not limited to it.

Reich starts with critiquing the failure of communists and socialists in predicting, explaining and fighting fascism in 1930s. He reproached them for having a mechanistic interpretation of fascism by describing man as a mere “subjective factor” yielding to the dictation of material conditions.

He asks if man’s consciousness is a mere reflection of its material conditions why the German workers were stupefied and misled by the Nazi party.

To grasp a correct understanding of fascism, Reich tries to delve into the psychology of German masses, as a soil where the seeds of fascism could grow.

Reich tries to bridge between the genuine Marxian outlook and Freudian analysis of man’s psyche.

The author does not provide a historical narration, and mostly overlooks the social and economic process that led to emergence of fascism. Though he does not explicitly argue against communists’ early analysis which defined Nazi party as a puppet of the German finance capital he stresses that fascism was a movement with broad support by petty-bourgeoisie, peasantry, junior employees of state departments and some layers of the working class.

What was the glue that sticks these classes to the Nazi party? This is the question that Reich tries to answer.

The book’s title might be a bit misleading because the reader firstly might expect the writer to speak about the subconscious of the German masses and search for the embryo of fascism in the dark side of mind, but what you will see is completely different. In fact, what Reich refers to as the psyche is nothing but the accumulation of history, and his psychology is mostly the incorporation of historical phenomena such as patriarchy and the suppression of sexual desires of children and women in the patriarchal family.

We can set the starting point in Reich’s thought the patriarchal family. The patriarchal family, Reich believes, is the hotbed of authoritarian ideology and mysticism, which provide grounds for fascism through distorting human structure through suppression of man’s natural sexual behaviour.

Reich’s mass psychology is not a summation of the psyche of individuals, nor something hidden in the organism of people. This mass psychology is the historical trends formed in thousands of years of man’s life. In other words, his criticism of “vulgar” Marxists’ inadequate perception of fascism is that they forget to involve the role of history in their analysis, and thereafter they failed to shape a movement to counter fascism.

Reich believes that all totalitarian states rely on mysticism in masses. He believes that even Soviet Union after Lenin turned into a suppressive force and destroyed the self-governance of masses which the October Revolution introduced.

The first argument of Reich on roots of fascism was novel and illuminating and can be valid even today, because the role of sex politics in the rise of new versions of fascism, fundamentalism and ultra-rightism cannot be ignored.

The second part of the book is a complete repetitive rhetoric about sex economy and work democracy. Reich correctly discern the alienation of man from manmade products such as state, whose maximum alienation and brutality is manifested in fascism, but he totally fails to present a solution.

He rejects politics and political organisation to fight fascism and present his vague organisation of people to promote work democracy. He argues that work democracy – or the tendency that people have for work, love and knowledge – is a natural tendency in all human beings, so this natural tendency needn’t to be created but to be invigorated and revived.

Although the book seems to be obsolete but because fascism still needs elucidation Reich’s analysis can be noteworthy.

 

 


Thursday, March 14, 2019

My Discovery of Cuba



I know exotic places
Of Egypt and Persia I know,
And yet I prefer the embraces
That mountain breezes bestow.  
                                        (Jose Marti, Versos Sercillos)

Certainly, Marti never visited Persia, and I, as a Persian, was lucky to visit his homeland.          Since I was a teenage I would like to see Cuba, along with Vietnam; the two countries that had dared to resist imperialism. In the year of the 1979 revolution in Iran, I read Satre's Ouragan sur le sucre. The first time I decided to go to Cuba was in 2016 but I changed my idea and went to Italy instead, where I heard about Fidel Castro's death. After two years, in December 2018, I went to visit Cuba.
Looking at the island from above, impatient to land



We landed in Havana on 26 November 2018. We were in Cuba, with a passion to explore. 
 we hired a taxi to take us from to our rented room. The driver was the first Cuban I had a conversation with. He drove an almost new yellow cab that belonged to the government. He paid a monthly rental, 1,000 to 1,500 peso (Cuban convertible peso or CUC which equals to one US dollar) to the government. He knew English fairly. When I asked him "how is his life in Cuba?" he raised a corner of his lip and said "not bad". "Do you like to emigrate from Cuba?" He paused for a moment, and replied hesitantly "yes". In asking this question, I noticed some Cubans felt a bit uneasy. As if a yes answer injured their proud, and a nay was a dishonest one. "Everybody likes Fidel in your country?", my fellow traveler asked. And he frankly said "not everybody". At least, Cubans do not speak with reservation, something that differ it from repressive Stalinist regimes where people did not dare to express their dismay and complaints.
I asked the driver if there are distinguished poor and rich areas in Havana. Apparently, such a contrast was not much palpable. He said in Miramar area you could find houses of the rich. And who are the rich? I expected state officials and political elite make this richer group, but the driver said "businessmen and athletes". By athletes, he meant, those who had won medals in world and Olympic games. But how can an athlete make money in a country where commercial advertisement was meaningless? This was the question that I failed to get across the driver.
As we were talking we passed by a large round building with big pictures of Fidel playing boxing, chess and baseball. This was the Ministry of Sports. We saw some state advertisement along the road but they did not advertise goods or services but "unity, companionship and victory". Occasionally, we saw pictures of leaders on walls. In terms of frequency, Jose Marti ranks first, and after him come Che Guevara, Camilo and Fidel. Behind Marti's sober resolute face and penetrating eyes you can see the passion of a revolutionary. Surely, he, with his knowledge and commitment, has been inspiring for Cubans in decades. 

"True to our history", Che, Camilo and Frank Pais

***
  
The weather and vegetation of Cuba reminded me of the north of Iran, and even south of Iran in the rainy season. After a thirty-minutes ride we were in the centre of Havana. My eyes started to see and record everything that might be used to answer my questions.
The driver found the street and stopped in front of the house we had rented for a week, and soon, landlord George, tall middle-aged, man spotted us as his guests and came to us. After a quick hello, he said the house has a problem with water, and told us we would temporarily reside in another house until plumbing water was fixed. Though it was not a good sign at the beginning of the journey, we did not have a problem with moving to another house. The other house was abou 200-metre away. When we get there, the landlord was not there. George talked to a young girl then on the phone and again to the girl, and finally, after a quarter, the problem was sorted out.
The house was an old mansion with colonial architecture. A wide entrance and stairway led us to upstairs. Rooms were on the periphery, and there was a large rectangular cavity in the middle, which overlooked the ground floor. I could imagine perhaps an aristocratic family that used to live there in early 20th century, 19th and even earlier, days of affluence and pleasure for the rich. Now, at least three families resided there. A family was a woman with her kids, who had a busy life. Another family consisted of an old couple. When I passed by their house, through the tall window I saw them watching watched TV, mostly baseball, non-stop. Cubans used to keep windows open for ventilation.
Colonia aristocratic mansion, now home of three families
          Our landlord's name was Omar. He did not know his name was Arabic, and when I told him this he smiled and said "I don't know, I am just Cuban!". He had two large rooms, a sitting room and a kitchen. The walls were very tall, about four metres, and the doors extended up to the ceiling so that Omar had divided one of the room horizontally and turned it into two rooms. The floor were covered with beautiful old ceramics. Omar decorated the kitchen and the sitting room with Chinese old plates and flags of a few countries, and a rainbow flag, which manifested the acceptance of homosexuality, which Cuba is more tolerant toward it after decades of suppression. Omar, contrary to other Cubans, liked to stay in Cuba. He said he felt happy in Cuba and had no idea for leaving the country. "What do you think about socialism?", as if he had heard an exotic word, again raising shoulders, he leaned the neck to one side and a delivered me an innocent smile. Socialism looked like a strange word usable only in the formal language of papers and TV. I observed the same reaction, almost with a more negative tone, when I asked about Andres Pascal Allende in a tourist information centre. Allende was a leader of the Chilean MIR movement. Apparently, he lived in Cuba and was engaged in tourism. I liked to meet him as a historical figure. However, when I asked a staff in the tourist centre, the man delivered me a cold smile with a contemptuous look and shrugged his shoulders.
Galiano Street, old Havana


Exploration starts

Granma sellers
On the second day, I prepared the camera which I had bought for this travel and started our exploration in Havana. Instead of going to the city attractions, I preferred to see things spontaneously. Just a short walk from the house, I noticed a newspaper hawker. We approached him. Happy of seeing something political and readable, I bought a Granma, the paper of the central committee of the Cuban party, from the old seller and tried to talk to him about the paper etc but unfortunately and as ever he could not communicate in English.

Pargue de la Fraternidad (brotherhood park), symbol of Cuba's internationalism


Though I do not know Spanish I could understand the content. Half an hour later, near El Capitolo, a colossal building which was the government base in pre-revolutionary years, I saw another old man selling the paper. Seeing all old men and women who sold Granma, and often with persistence, I perceived they did not have any political interest in their business. Selling Granma is just a way to earn a few pesos a day. Some of the vendors persisted us to buy a paper, and if we did not buy they just asked for a peso! From political activity, to tiny business and to begging, this was the story of Granma selling unfolded before my eyes. I used to put on an olive green cap, and perhaps this led them to seem as a potential buyer of the paper. One of them approached me every time I passed by that area.


Granma, the only paper found everywhere



The fallen angel of dignity

The story of Granma sellers happened in different ways frequently. In Havana centre, where always there is a large number of tourists, when a native approaches you, you must know he or she is trying to make money. This may start with a friendly chat, offering information to find an address, showing a building, and everything ends up asking for money. For example, I found the Writers' Association on the map. With the hope to have some discussions in the association we went there. The association headquarters was an old two-story building that was used as a bank before the revolution. I started enquiring to find somebody to be able to speak in English. A middle-age man, who was an alleged poet, and the building's security staff smilingly ushered us when we strolled in the yard, which was not very big and talked to us about the building, and at the end, when we were to leave they openly asked for "contribution"!
At Cuban Writers Association



          In central and old Havana, this has turned into a habit. Usually women approached us and begged for one or two dollars to "buy milk for children". Once I was on a queue for changing money. A man started speaking about renting his house, and when I said we have rented a house before he asked for money! When I asked him about his job he said he was a sports teacher at a primary school.
          A funny thing happened when I was taking photos in a busy street. An old black man with white hair and beard with a large cigar between his lips attracted my attention, and when I, in passing him, took a photo, he suddenly raised a piece of cardboard bearing the words "one CUC per one photo"!
          Though prostitution has always been referred to a major problem in Cuba but I did not see this very visible. This was probably due to the campaign against prostitution. Crime rate is still low in Cuba, and some people attributed this to the government's laxity towards black jobs.  

Internet in Cuba

On the second day, we noticed a building, with a crowd, mostly young people, standing outside. Apparently, they were waiting their turn to go in. based on the sign and words on the building I realised it should be Havana's computer centre. I tried to speak with the people there. A young man said he was a programmer and because he did not have Linux on his PC at home he came to the centre to use computers with Linux system to write programme. He, as he said, was a freelance programmer, and because there is no copyright and intellectual property law in Cuba he wrote programmes just for friends and relatives. Again, the same question about immigration from Cuba, and again a shy smile on the part of the young man and ambiguous shaking of head.
A "hot-spot", where you can connect to the internet
The Cuban government has allowed access to the internet since a few years ago. But the people still don’t have access to the internet at their homes. There are "hot spots" designated for this purpose in different parts of the city. For instance, we went to nearby park for connecting to the internet. From the sunset, all benches of the park were full of the people who wanted to use the wifi. The official price was is one CUC – equal to one dollar – per hour. Cuba's national telecommunication company sells you internet cards after checking and recording passport information. At the hot spots there are some vendors who sell one hour, two hours or more internet.
Cubans start to be fascinated by the internet and mobile phones

Old Havana, and tourism-driven economy

Havana is the heart of a tourism-driven economy. Everything revolves around the pivot of tourism. And strangely, it is not a very cheap country for tourists at all. Accommodation in "casa particulare" is affordable but hotels are usually expensive. You can see expensive luxurious hotels with the same prices in London, Paris and major cities of the world.
Beautiful Malecon seaside road
Another underground business appeared beside tourism is currency exchange. When we approached CADECA, or state-run foreign exchange shops, some people came to us and offered better rates. I asked two young men who had parked their motorbike about the legality of their job, and they said it's okay. They said they were happy with living in Cuba and believed their business is good.

Old Havana tour

I had booked Old Havana tour before arriving in Cuba. A group of young volunteers manage the tour. The tour is free but visitors pay a donation. The tour is very informative, both for knowing the city and its attraction and social life in Havana. We met our tour guides in Di Angello Square, and they divided us into three groups. Four American and Canadian women and we were in a group, and our guide was a passionate young girl, who enthusiastically talked about the city and answered our questions. At the beginning, when somebody started to film, she asked him to stop filming to let her speak "more honestly".
At a primary school
The first building we visited was a primary school. Apparently, good colonial buildings are used as schools. The guide took permission from the school authority and we entered. From the entrance, a plump 10-11 year's old schoolboy with sweet movements, in a green short and white shirt and a red neckerchief which gives him a sense of authority, guided us through the school. We stopped in front of a class. I think it was the class of grade 1. On noticing us, about 20 small kids stood up and, at the request of their teacher, chanted some slogans in a serious manner. We could only distinguish the word "Jose Marti". The school's building was acceptable but the facilities were awesome. Flimsy worn-our tables and desk… The school had a lunch-room, and the students could have their lunch there or dine at home. I pointed to a picture on the wall to the scout by and asked him who he was. They boy replied with a resolute voice: "Frank Pais".


Kids singing a revolutionary song for us

Frank Pais (1934-1957), whose name is heard less as compared to Che and Camilo, was the organiser of the 26th July Movement of Castro and his comrades in urban areas. He went into hiding after the police started a search for him. He was captured, taken to prison and shot dead. Two other brilliant figures who are not very famous abroad are Vilma Espin, revolutionary leader and feminist, and also the wife of Raul Castro. Celia Sanches, a co-founder of the 26th July, is also a very respected revolutionary figure in Cuba.
As we strolling in the old Havana, I tried to take advantage of the time and ask as much as questions I could because the tour guide was one of the best sources of information.
Street artworks in Paseo del Marti
She said Cuban health and education systems are free – that everybody knows, but, she added, that jobs in health and education system are the lowest paid jobs. Teachers get around 20 USD a month, which is obviously not sufficient to afford a life. Though Cubans do not have to pay for education, from primary school to university, but the low quality of education causes the people who want their children to receive better education to pay to good teachers to work with their children in their extra hours. A story which is seen everywhere in the world. And the same story is true with health services. Our guide called all these business "bribery".
We visited a shop that sold rationed foods. Every adult Cuban has a ration notebook by which he or she can buy basic foods that meet only a part of their needs. This is a possibility to provide minimum needs for the people, especially the elderly, who are the poorest and miserable section of the society.
Ration foods shop
During the walk, I told her I did not have dreams about Cuba and I was aware of the situation but what is annoying is the lack of hope and dignity. In response, she said: "we are locked in the history!" I could feel the bitterness behind these words uttered with a big smile. I said I engaged in a discussion with rightists just a couple of weeks before coming to Cuba, and I was sure I would not be able to defend Cuba as fervently as I did before.
          I told the guide that my grasp was that Cuba was not a closed country like the Soviet's satellites in east Europe where people could not speak freely and criticise. I asked her if there is a dialogue between the government and citizens and if the officials listen to the people's say. She said briefly: "They don't care us!"
          Another thing I realised was that religion has still strong roots in Cuba. A large part of the population is Catholic and the rest are followers of Afro-Cuban religions. Apparently, Cuban revolution has never been tough on religion. About 75 per cent of the population is religious; 60 per cent Catholics, Afro-Cuban faiths 11 per cent, Protestants 5 per cent, and the rest non-believers.

Misfortunes comes

Sometimes a misfortune worsens the chaos and confusion. We, somewhat disillusioned about the situation, got food poisoning. We were suspicious of the chicken we had or the sausage that the host gave us as breakfast. The bad feeling, vomit, headache and weakness was with us and spoiled our journey for at least 48 hours.
You rarely find fridge in shops in Cuba. Meat, sandwiches and perishable foods are held in ambient weather, and in the hot weather the foods can easily and quickly spoil.

Settling in George's House

George informed us that the water supply was restored and the house was ready. So, we moved from Omar's house to George's. George, a tall white man, was a former quality control officer who now engaged only in hosting tourists. He and her wife were fortunate because they have two houses, and they rented one during the year.
          He was interested in learning English. He read English books and listened to English music, perhaps because he believed his future "would be there, in the United States."
          He was very patient and helpful. On the first day, he gave us a Havana map on which he had marked attractions, bars, restaurants etc. When we came back from our daily ramble, George were at home and we chatted about life in Cuba. Our talks were on a wide range of subjects and I tried to learn from him as much as I could.
          He felt frustrated about Cuba's bureaucracy. He said people always waited uneasily for change in laws and consequently change in the mode of living. He preferred a system in which the state does not have a strict control on citizens' life. He said Cuba would change its constitution in coming months and everything would change. He said people could express their opinion on laws in the past more freely but now this was not true.
Are Cuban officials and leadership corrupt? He was not sure but he talked about "those who see in the front row of meetings, those with thick necks". He believed these people are paid better, and have access to better food and facilities. For us, two weeks was not enough to prove or refuse this assumption.
According to George, the only job with relatively higher salaries is in sugar plantations, a very hard job and long work hours, perhaps from dawn to sunset. George had worked as an apprentice at the end of his college.
I asked him about a documentary that showed how Cubans fled the country in 1990s, and if the story was true or an exaggeration by the Western media. He confirmed the authenticity of the documentary. He said many people fled simply by car inner tubes and their legs were injured by fishes in the sea.
He did not deny the revolution's achievements and the improvement of people's life, especially in rural area. He said Cubans lived normally in Soviet era. But, the collapse of the Soviet Union brought a big misery for Cubans. He said in the first year after the collapse, there was not enough drinking water and petrol. Surgeons had to cycle a long way to get hospitals, and went to operating rooms while they were exhausted because of long rides.
In last days of the journey, I showed my interest in Cuban cinema. George took me to a shop which sold DVDs. Exactly like Iran, such businesses are the grey zone of life, between legality and illegality. They are tolerated, however the vendor was cautious about taking photo from his shop. George talked to him, and he saved a few Cuban films on my flash drive.

Visiting attractions

The first place we went was the Cuban Revolution Museum. In front of the museum you see a tank, which is famous because it is said that Fidel Castro personally shot at a US vessel by its gun. The museum is a good reminiscent of the revolution's events, from early days in Sierra Maestra and the advance towards major cities. You can see Camilo's boots, Che Guevara's cartridge belt, gun and the radio transmitter he used to convey revolutionary messages and many other nostalgic revolutionary objects.
Che Guevara's beret and Camilo's hat in the Revolution Museum


          The museum compound was also interesting. Perhaps the most important item in the museum was there; Granma. Granma was a yacht, which Fidel, Che Guevara and other guerrillas embarked on from Mexico to Cuba. The yacht is protected like a jewel in a cage, so that seeing it is a bit difficult. Two soldiers guard the yacht round the clock. The cars used by the revolution leaders during the civil war also can be seen there.
Legendary Granma in the Revolution Museum
      


Radio transmitter used by Comandante Che during the civil war

    We visited the Arab-Cuba solidarity centre in Paseo de Marti where a Cuban lady who was fluent in Arabic but not in English tried to provide us a history of the centre.
          In the University of Havana, some academic journal in Spanish and a Lenin's bust in the university's library were the only thing that caught my attention.

         
Workers meeting

In a morning, we were walking in the off-centre streets I noticed two buses bearing a banner on which I could see the word "delegata". The passengers had worn red T-shirts and two police motorbikes accompanied them.
Workers' meeting for pay rise
          I noticed that the motorcade turned right into a secondary road. I thought it could be an interesting event and proposed chasing them. By asking people, we found the venue. A crowd of a few hundred were outside of a building. Seeking a proper person to answer my question, I went to a young woman who was busy with his mobile phone. I asked about the meeting. I used offline google translate, which was very useful, and she answered by writing in Spanish and translating her words by a software. She said it was the meeting of workers' representatives from all over the country. They were to talk about their wages. The meeting was not public and we could not go in. "How did she think about the future?" I asked. In reply, she said that Cuba is a revolutionary country but alone and isolated and everything would be OK if wages would rise. She said she was not a party member.

Community activity

A night we were walking towards the Malecon, a seaside avenue, we noticed a group of people gathered on the sidewalk of Galiano street. At first, I thought it was a religious meeting. As we went closer, we saw two middle-age women were standing in both sides of a Cuban flag that was posted on the wall, and speaking. The people were listening seriously. I struggled to understand what they say but I couldn’t. I went to a young man. First, he shyly refused to speak because he did not know English at all. However, when he saw my persistence he agreed to answer. With much difficulty I wrote my question on the phone and translated into Spanish and showed him. I asked him to type his answer in Spanish. The meeting was on civic problems, such as hygiene and so on. I think they had posted the flat to show their meeting or protest was not an action against the country or the revolution. Unfortunately, our status as tourists and uncertainty about how far we can go in our search to know the realities of Cuba made us a bit cautious.
Community meeting over civic problems

Bookstalls

In a bookstall area, we had a chance to speak with a book-seller who could communicate in English. He said he was once a member of the youth organisation of the party. I asked him if they have any organisation in their workplace or in communities, any councils or committees. Apparently nothing. Though his business was about thoughts and political currents but he was not aware of different international tendencies in the socialist movement. It seemed Cuban are too busy with its problems to have an interests in debates within the socialist movement. He, like George, complained about excessive bureaucracy, which was a curb to his business. He had some faint hope in the new President Diaz-Canel, a leader born after the revolution, and a technocrat who, for his frequent inspections, is nicknamed "Dia y Noche" or Day and Night.   
A bit politics in bookstalls

Conclusion

Of course, two weeks is too short to come to a comprehensive conclusion about the nature of social relationships in a country. I can only talk about the first impression I got.
          I think Cuba is in a deadlock. There is no future for the country. Its Spartan socialism may survive for a long time but it seems to be like a closed circle, with no chance to escape the destiny of being a less developed poor country.
          Cuba is on a crossroad. One of its options is to choose the way that China and Vietnam have chosen. Cuba welcomes foreign investment but to enjoy this it needs to abandon its revolutionary rhetoric, though after the collapse of the Soviet Union, this has been limited to a mere rhetoric, and the harsh situation have not allowed Cuba to have an active role in the Latin America, as it played by offering support for revolutionary movements in the region openly.
          The world capitalism may tolerate such "benign" Cuba. In a world where everything is commodified, including revolutionary symbols and signs, Cuban socialism makes the capitalism's showcase lovelier. Millions of tourists will go see Cuba's antiquity, music, beaches and socialism. Che Guevara's pictures on T-shirts, cigars, pubs' walls, mugs bring dollars into this tourism-driven economy.
          Could the Cuban leaders be blamed? I don't know about the extent of inequality in Cuba. It remains a question if a layer of old revolutionaries or high-ranking bureaucrats has formed a distinguished class with their own privileges. Nevertheless, even if such a problem exist it is the result of a graver problem. It stems from the fact that Cuba is a poor small country with low resources. A country isolated mostly by adversaries cannot make any better, I think.
          Cuba's GDP is about 87 billion dollars. Its exports, which are mostly agricultural products, are less than 5 billion dollars. Tourism brings about 1.5 billion dollars. Cuba could survive the crush following the Soviet's collapse and increase its GDP beyond the Soviet-era level, and all done with the help of tourism. The GDP growth rate is less than 2 per cent.
          Despite all shortcomings, the Cuban political system is strong and flawless. Cuba will survive but how depends on its leadership's choice. Whatever will happen to it in long-term, the dilemma remains unsolved.
           And finally, this is not an elegy for a revolution in stalmate. I just tried to explore Cuba and see its realities totally neutral and fair. More than being a pessimistic report, these words try to underline the complexity of social and political phenomena which call for closer studies and new experiences. 

Journey ends; back to the aiport by a 1953 made car

         





Saturday, May 14, 2016

On the question of gender oppression


Gender oppression and inequality has been a focus for the left. The socialist and labour movement has always been the vanguard of the struggle for equality between men and women. However, it cannot be denied that there are various views on the issue among the left.
If is the gender oppression is the result of class differentiation and, in other words, the product of a labour division precursing class society? Or is it much older?
A group of leftists, even it has roots in pre-capitalist society, it is interwoven with capitalism so that its survival depends on the survival of capitalism. There are other trends on the Left who think capitalism is neutral to gender operation.
I think, historically, gender operation dates back to pre-class society. As Marx has written in German Ideology:
With the division of labour, in which all these contradictions are implicit, and which in its turn is based on the natural division of labour in the family and the separation of society into individual families opposed to one another, is given simultaneously the distribution, and indeed the unequal distribution, both quantitative and qualitative, of labour and its products, hence property: the nucleus, the first form, of which lies in the family, where wife and children are the slaves of the husband. This latent slavery in the family, though still very crude, is the first property, but even at this early stage it corresponds perfectly to the definition of modern economists who call it the power of disposing of the labour-power of others. Division of labour and private property are, moreover, identical expressions: in the one the same thing is affirmed with reference to activity as is affirmed in the other with reference to the product of the activity.(1)

As is seen in this paragraph, Marx explicitly and clearly states that social division of labour has roots in the natural division of labour, the division that puts man in a superior position. Therefore, in spite of Heidi Hartmann, who believes Marxism is ‘sex blind’, Marx and Engels were avant garde theorists on the issue, and apparently their genuine ideas on the matter, like their other ones, must be brought up from under debris of false interpretations and polish it.
On the other hand, some writers like Lindsey German(2) simply think that patriarchy and gender domination in modern time result from just class relations, and though accept gender inequality in different form exists but it results from the capitalist class’ abstaining from providing the facilities that save women from being fulltime or part time housework. Reducing the issue to this simplistic level is also the source of other theoretical errors.
But, again, despite the theories that propound the idea that capitalism is indifferent to gender inequality, I think although capitalism theoretically reduces men of both genders into an amorphous bulk of identical wage labourers but it does not mean that capitalism does no try to take advantage of gender and race to intensify exploitation of the working class.
Therefore, I think though women’s struggle, alongside technological advancement, paves the way for women equality in capitalism but the abolition of private property will be the major blow to gender oppression. But, may gender inequality may persist even after the abolition of private property? Yes, maybe, because as Marx says its emergence predates private property.
The importance of the issue of gender oppression in Iran
If gender oppression is an important issue, it is doubly important in Iran and other countries that suffer from the survival of pre-capitalist relations and ideologies.
Gender operations is not just an important part of the working class’ democratic struggle but a major factor that explains the current politics in Iran. Preserving male chauvinism and patriarchy is part of the material interests of some old classes, including petty bourgeoisie, that idealize their superiority in the political Islam. Patriarch is the glue that stick together the classes that have partly contradictory interests. The old petty bourgeoisie, though suffers from the capital’s domination and the government’s tyranny, but back exploiters in great social clashes. This may be the secret of persisting conditions of our society in the last three decades.



1) https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01a.htm
2) http://isj.org.uk/theories-of-patriarchy/
3) http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article3718

Monday, February 29, 2016

Iranian “election”, who participated and why?


The election in Iran to elect members of the Majlis (the parliament) and the Majlis-e Khobregan (the Assembly of Experts) happened, and the same boring story. On the one hand, jubilation that “reform” advanced a step forward, in order to prepare to retreat two steps afterwards, and, on the other camp, the hopeless show of hope that 40 or 50 percent of eligible voters have boycotted the “election”, that this is the silent drive of the revolution, and that we must wait for our day to come. Of course, this is sometimes combined with deep and bitter rage towards the millions who went to polling stations.
            However, more than jubilation and outrage, we must know who and for what ends participate in this game.
            I think this general classification may provide an outline for the discussion:1)      The sections affiliated to the ruling system
A very large bureaucratic and military apparatus exists in Iran that consists of millions. This bureaucratic and military apparatus includes not only the obviously ideological and political appearance and function – such as different foundations and institutes that are under the direct supervision of the Supreme Leader – but also a large number of high-ranking and middle-ranking employees in state departments and ministries. Everybody knows a large number of such employees have provided with these offices and pays only because of their adherence to certain political gangs and clans and chieftains. This section also includes both the so-called hardliners and reformers who have been busied with dividing power among themselves in the last thirty years. This section participates in the election consciously and based on a short-term or middle-term political program.
2)      The sections close to the ruling system
These sections participate in the election to pursue their interests. The election is not a mere sphere of illusion for them. Though they don’t have an organic representative in the ruling system but they approach this or that faction to guarantee their own interests. This section can be divided into two sub-suctions:a)      The traditional petit-bourgeoisie and peasantry
This sections though have suffered economic crushing pressure owing to sanctions but they have never stopped to play the reactionary role of pawns of rulers. What links these sections to the rulers is their desire for conserving traditional social values in the sphere of private and family life and the continuation of the absolute domination of man over woman and children. The reactionary anti-Western rhetoric of the Iranian clergy whose criticism of Imperialism is mostly about their complaints about immorality, nudity, and waning family values, is a good ideological shelter for this section. This is an important factor in the Iranian society that is frequently neglected.
b)      Iranian nouveau riche
The Iranian bourgeoisie that has shaped a relatively vast class after the end of Iran-Iraq war in comparison to the pre-revolutionary era is in a brisk process of finding allies in the ruling system because it still lacks an organic representative. This section wishes the rulers to slacken curb on the political domain and giving them a chance to occupy a seat among rulers. This section includes the celebrities, a part of intelligentsia and some academics. These sections have been given a good share of the profit but political and ideological requirements of rulers that sometimes obstruct the normal accumulation of capital is a source of worry.
3)      Iranian modern petit-bourgeoisie
This section shows the maximum political oscillation in political action. It complains for four years, and reveals its desire for change in any form, ranged from an Imperialist-directed regime change to a revolution, however because of the absence of a powerful alternative tends is tempted to engage in a “safe political action” as the date of the “election” comes nearer. This section does not have illusion about the nature of the ruling factions and views them alike in plundering society but believes it must add fuel to the flame of animosity between the ruling factions to make some profit in the end. This section dreams for an Islamic Gorbachev to lead the system towards removing the so-called non-elective institutes. Even if we stick to this context we can easily understand this is a bubble-like illusion that collapse by mere thinking about it. For this reason, you cannot find no noticeable writing about political strategy among the intellectuals and politicians who represent this section.
            In brief, the “election” survives as first, a practice to distribute power and renew the balance of power within the ruling system, and second, a show of legitimacy. In Iran, with peculiarities of its political structure, this story persists until the emergence of a real alternative.